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Khupe to succeed Mr. Tsvangirai as opposition leader, but violent clashes between their supporters erupted and Mr. Chamisa assumed the role. The opposition to President Emmerson Mnangagwa is between two factions within the leading opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change-Tsvangirai, which was founded and led by the former prime minister and trade union leader Morgan Richard Tsvangirai until his death from cancer in February. Khupe was , a charismatic 40-year-old former minister whom Mr. Tsvangirai had appointed as a vice president of the party. Chamisa assumed leadership without a party vote. Khupe has challenged Mr. Violent erupted at Mr. Khupe was forced to hide in a grass-thatched hut, which Mr. On May 22, when the Supreme Court in Harare was adjudicating on a dispute between Ms. Chamisa over the use of the party name and symbols, a crowd of Mr. Khupe and called her a whore. Along with weakening the opposition, the factionalism has also brought to the fore an enduring malaise in Zimbabwean polity: its fear of single, independent women in the public sphere. In physically threatening and declaring Ms. Khupe a whore, Mr. As the urbanizing colony of Rhodesia drew rural African men into towns and cities in the early 1930s, some traditional leaders colluded with the colonial state to introduce passes restricting the movement of African women in urban areas. African women fought for their space and such as the 1934 beer hall boycotts. In 1956, the City Youth League, the party that would become the home of young firebrand leaders such as Robert Mugabe, displayed its capacity for political mobilization by calling for a bus boycott in Salisbury — as Harare was known then — after colonial authorities increased bus fares. Some women living in hostels in the city ignored the boycott and took buses to go to work, mostly as domestic workers and secretaries. Apart from thousands of women who provided support to the liberation war effort as lookouts, transporters, informants, cooks and cleaners, around 7,500 Zimbabwean women fought in the armed struggle. After liberation in 1980, when it would be expected that all who fought for freedom would be held in esteem regardless of gender, female war veterans continued to struggle with the cultural perceptions created in the colonial era. Yet only a year later, the government embarked on Operation Cleanup, in which soldiers and the police — whose ranks included former combatants — after claiming that the women were prostitutes because they had dared to move about unaccompanied after nightfall. More legal reforms followed and empowered women, but so did another backlash. In 1992, a young woman was attacked and almost raped on the University of Zimbabwe campus because she chose to wear a miniskirt, the supposed attire of prostitutes. Female students responded by protesting in miniskirts and trousers. Decades later, miniskirts and charges of prostitution continue to be used to discredit women leaders. Mujuru, claiming she had video evidence that Ms. Mugabe was 72 when he married the 31-year-old Grace Marufu. Even the famed opposition leader, Mr. Tsvangirai, was embroiled in several sex scandals before marrying a woman 25 years younger. After the fall of Mr. Chiwenga, the retired army general who was instrumental in pushing out Mr. Mugabe, and gave Ms. Muchinguri-Kashiri a ministerial position. While major party politics does not seem to hold much space for women in the forthcoming July elections, there are a number of young women contesting as independents in Harare and Bulawayo, the two major cities. In January, I attended a volunteer rally for Fadzayi Mahere, a 32-year-old lawyer, who is contesting the July elections for parliament from Mount Pleasant, a Harare suburb. The volunteers in her campaign reported that one of the pressing questions they faced from potential voters was why she was still unmarried and childless at 32. Many Zimbabweans hope that the first elections after Mr. Mugabe will be a break from the past. Few realistically expected that the ousting of Mr. Mugabe would create greater space and more opportunities for women in Zimbabwe politics.

In 2014, roughly one third of the population had internet access. Tsvangirai had appointed as a vice for of the party. Decades later, miniskirts and charges of prostitution continue to be used to discredit women leaders. When you come to South Africa, check for Braamfontein in Gauteng. The volunteers in her campaign reported that one of the pressing questions they faced from potential voters was why she was still civil and childless at 32. Chamisa assumed leadership without a party vote. African women fought for their space and such as the 1934 beer hall boycotts. On May 22, when the Supreme Court in Harare was adjudicating on a dispute between Ms.